ย ย ย Sunday, July 5, 2026

A Magazine About Singapore . Since 2011

๐“๐ก๐ž ๐‚๐š๐๐ซ๐ž ๐’๐ฒ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ž๐ฆ: ๐˜๐ž๐ฌ, ๐๐€๐ ๐”๐ฌ๐ž๐ฌ ๐ˆ๐ญ ๐“๐จ๐จ

The recent Workers Partyโ€™s no-confidence vote raised an interesting look at the cadre system.

We brought up how it is prone to manipulation and the reflex comment is โ€œOh, but the PAP has it too!โ€

๐–๐ก๐š๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐š ๐œ๐š๐๐ซ๐ž ๐ฌ๐ฒ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ž๐ฆ?

A cadre system creates two levels of membership.

- ๐Ž๐ซ๐๐ข๐ง๐š๐ซ๐ฒ members participate in party activities, volunteer and campaign.

- ๐‚๐š๐๐ซ๐ž members are specially appointed by the party leadership and are given voting rights in key internal decisions, such as electing the Central Executive Committee (CEC).

Singapore's four largest political parties โ€” the People's Action Party (PAP), Workers' Party (WP), Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) and Progress Singapore Party (PSP) โ€” all use some form of cadre system.

While each party has its own constitution and appointment process, the underlying principle is broadly similar: ๐‘›๐‘œ๐‘ก ๐‘’๐‘ฃ๐‘’๐‘Ÿ๐‘ฆ ๐‘š๐‘’๐‘š๐‘๐‘’๐‘Ÿ ๐‘Ž๐‘ข๐‘ก๐‘œ๐‘š๐‘Ž๐‘ก๐‘–๐‘๐‘Ž๐‘™๐‘™๐‘ฆ ๐‘Ÿ๐‘’๐‘๐‘’๐‘–๐‘ฃ๐‘’๐‘  ๐‘กโ„Ž๐‘’ ๐‘Ÿ๐‘–๐‘”โ„Ž๐‘ก ๐‘ก๐‘œ ๐‘‘๐‘’๐‘ก๐‘’๐‘Ÿ๐‘š๐‘–๐‘›๐‘’ ๐‘กโ„Ž๐‘’ ๐‘๐‘Ž๐‘Ÿ๐‘ก๐‘ฆ'๐‘  ๐‘™๐‘’๐‘Ž๐‘‘๐‘’๐‘Ÿ๐‘ โ„Ž๐‘–๐‘.

๐–๐ก๐ฒ ๐ก๐š๐ฏ๐ž ๐œ๐š๐๐ซ๐ž๐ฌ ๐š๐ญ ๐š๐ฅ๐ฅ?

1. To prevent hostile takeovers

Political parties are surprisingly vulnerable organisations.

Imagine a party opens membership to anyone and allows every member to vote immediately.

A rival organisation could simply encourage hundreds of supporters to join at once, pay the membership fee, and then vote out the existing leadership.

This is not merely a theoretical concern. ๐“๐ก๐ž ๐๐€๐ ๐ก๐š๐ฌ ๐ž๐ฑ๐ฉ๐ž๐ซ๐ข๐ž๐ง๐œ๐ž๐ ๐ข๐ญ ๐ข๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐š๐ง๐ญ ๐ฉ๐š๐ฌ๐ญ. ๐€๐ฌ ๐ก๐š๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐’๐ข๐ง๐ ๐š๐ฉ๐จ๐ซ๐ž ๐ƒ๐ž๐ฆ๐จ๐œ๐ซ๐š๐ญ๐ข๐œ ๐๐š๐ซ๐ญ๐ฒ, ๐ข๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐ซ๐ž๐œ๐ž๐ง๐ญ ๐ฉ๐š๐ฌ๐ญ.

A cadre system slows this down considerably.

Only members who have demonstrated sustained commitment over timeโ€”and who are appointed as cadresโ€”can vote in leadership elections.

๐Ÿ. ๐“๐จ ๐ซ๐ž๐ฐ๐š๐ซ๐ ๐ฅ๐จ๐ง๐ -๐ญ๐ž๐ซ๐ฆ ๐œ๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐ข๐ญ๐ฆ๐ž๐ง๐ญ

Political parties rely heavily on volunteers.

Many spend years walking the ground, organising events, helping residents and campaigning.

The cadre system recognises that leadership should be chosen by people who have invested substantial effort in building the organisation, rather than individuals who joined a few weeks before an election.

๐Ÿ‘. ๐“๐จ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐ž๐ฌ๐ž๐ซ๐ฏ๐ž ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐š๐ง๐ข๐ฌ๐š๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐š๐ฅ ๐œ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ซ๐ž

Every organisation develops its own values and operating style.

Political parties are no different.

Cadres are generally expected to understand the party's philosophy, internal processes and long-term direction before participating in leadership decisions.

Whether one agrees with the approach or not, it provides continuity.

๐–๐ก๐ฒ ๐๐ข๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐๐€๐ ๐š๐๐จ๐ฉ๐ญ ๐ข๐ญ?

The PAP's cadre system dates back to 1957. The decade of violent and ruthless political activity.

Before then, every party member could vote in internal elections. During the PAP's early years, internal struggles between different factions nearly resulted in the party losing control of its own leadership. Following that experience, the party adopted the cadre system to reduce the risk of organised internal takeovers and to strengthen organisational stability.

The system has remained in place ever since.

๐‡๐จ๐ฐ๐ž๐ฏ๐ž๐ซ, ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐๐ข๐Ÿ๐Ÿ๐ž๐ซ๐ž๐ง๐œ๐ž ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฃ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐ฌ๐ฒ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ž๐ฆ, ๐›๐ฎ๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐ฌ๐œ๐š๐ฅ๐ž

Almost every major party in Singapore has a cadre system.

What differs is ๐ก๐จ๐ฐ ๐ฆ๐š๐ง๐ฒ ๐œ๐š๐๐ซ๐ž๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž๐ซ๐ž ๐š๐ซ๐ž.

The PAP has historically convened thousands of cadre members*at its party conferences. Recent reports have described attendance by more than 3,000 cadres at party conferences.

By contrast, media reports and former party members have indicated that the Workers' Party's cadre membership has been much smallerโ€”around a hundred or so in recent years.

The significance is mathematical.

If a party has 3,000 voting cadres, persuading enough people to influence an internal election requires broad support across a large pool. Not easy, almost impossible.

If a party has around 100 voting cadres, every individual vote naturally carries much greater weight.

A small voting body means it can be manipulated.

Observers will also want to pay closer attention to questions such as:

  • How are cadres selected?

  • How large is the total membership base?

  • How diverse is the voting base?

  • How representative are they of the wider membership?

These questions become more salient as the voting pool becomes smaller.

The existence of a cadre system is not unusual.

In Singapore, it is effectively the norm rather than the exception.

The more meaningful discussion is therefore not whether parties should have cadres, but how those cadres are selected, how representative they are, and whether members and the public have confidence in the process.

Ultimately, every political party faces the same balancing act.

The cadre system is one attempt to navigate that tension. Whether each party has struck the right balance is a matter for its membersโ€”and, ultimately, for votersโ€”to judge.